Political integration of India

The political integration of India established a united nation for the first time in thousands of years from a plethora of princely states, colonial provinces and possessions. Despite partition, a new India united peoples of various geographic, economic, ethnic, linguistic and religious backgrounds. The process began in 1947, with the unification of 565 princely states through a critical series of political campaigns, sensitive diplomacy and military conflicts. India was transformed after independence through political upheaval and ethnic discontent, and continues to evolve as a federal republic natural to its diversity. The process is defined by sensitive religious conflicts between Hindus and Muslims, diverse ethnic populations, as well as by geo-political rivalry and military conflicts with Pakistan and China.

When the Indian independence movement succeeded in ending the British Raj on August 15, 1947, India's leaders faced the prospect of inheriting a nation fragmented between medieval-era kingdoms and provinces organized by colonial powers. Under the leadership of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, one of India's most respected freedom fighters and the Minister of Home Affairs, the new Government of India employed an iron fist in a velvet glove diplomacy — political negotiations backed with the option (and the use) of military action to unify the nation.

India's constitution pronounced it a Union of States, exemplifying federalism. India reclaimed the possessions of the French Empire and Portugal. But the trend changed as popular movements arose for the recognition of regional languages, and attention for the special issues of diverse regions. A backlash ensued against centralization — the lack of attention and respect for regional issues resulted in cultural alienation and violent separatism. While India put down violent groups with force, new states were created and states' autonomy increased to develop a republic respecting regional autonomy within the national mainstream. The map has been redrawn, as the nature of the federation transforms. Today, the Republic of India is a Union of 28 states and 7 territories.

British India

British colonization of the Indian subcontinent began in the early 18th century. By the mid-19th century, most of the subcontinent was under British rule. With the arrival of Lord Mountbatten (the former Lord Louis Mountbatten later created Viscount Mountbatten of Burma, then promoted to Earl) as the Viceroy of India in early 1947, the British government under Prime Minister Clement Attlee made a clear indication that the independence of India was imminent. India's top political parties, the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League were both negotiating the impending transfer of power as well as the make-up of the new Indian government. To this end, elections were held for the Constituent Assembly of India. In June 1947, the Congress and the League agreed to the planned partition of British India into two independent British Commonwealth dominions: India and Pakistan. Burma had been separated from British India in 1937 and it became independent along with Ceylon (never a part of British India) in 1948.

Without the princely states, the Dominion of India would comprise the provinces of Bombay Presidency, Madras Presidency, the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, the Central Provinces and Berar, Assam, Orissa, Bihar, and the chief commissioners' provinces of Coorg, Ajmer-Merwara, Panth-Piploda, and Delhi. The North West Frontier Province, Sind, and the chief commissioners' province of Baluchistan would go to Pakistan. The provinces of Bengal and Punjab had been partitioned in 1946, with India retaining West Bengal and East Punjab, the Hindu-majority portions of the larger provinces. West Punjab and East Bengal were heavily Muslim, and went to Pakistan. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands and the Lakshadweep Islands would be turned over to the control of India.

The states

There were between 570 and 600 princely states which enjoyed a special recognition and relationship with the British Raj. The British government announced in the Indian Independence Act 1947 that with the transfer of power on August 15, 1947, all of these states would be freed of their obligations to the British Empire, and free to join either India or Pakistan, or choose to become independent. The kingdom of Nepal was an independent treaty ally, and became a fully sovereign nation. The kingdom of Bhutan would dissolve its protectorate relationship similarly, but via treaty in 1949, India would become the guarantor of its security. The kingdom of Sikkim became a protectorate of India. Apart from a few which were geographically unalienable from Pakistan, approximately 565 princely states were clearly linked to India, the largest nation.

The largest of them included Hyderabad state and Kashmir, while 222 states existed in the Kathiawar peninsula alone. The states comprised more than half of the territory of India and a large proportion of its population. It was clear that without these states, or without even one state, India would be fragmented and susceptible to political, military and social conflicts, rendering independence tenuous at best. Most of the states had signed different treaties making official relationships with the British Raj in India, whereby the Raj controlled the foreign and inter-state relations and provided for the defence. Indian monarchs accepted the suzerainty of Britain in India, paid tribute and allowed British authorities to collect taxes and appropriate finances, and even in many cases, manage the affairs of governance via the Raj's Political Department. The princes were represented in the Imperial Legislative Council and the Chamber of Princes, and in namesake enjoyed relationships described as that of allies, not subordinates. Thus the princes maintained a channel of influence with the British Raj.

Process of accession

The states of Gwalior, Bikaner, Patiala and Baroda were the first to join India on April 28, 1947. Others were wary, distrusting a democratic government led by revolutionaries and fearful of losing their influence as rulers. Thus, Travancore and Hyderabad announced their desire for independence while the Nawab of Bhopal, Hamidullah Khan, expressed his desire to either negotiate with Pakistan or seek independence. The Nawab was a powerful influence on a number of princes, as he was the former chancellor of the Chamber of Princes. In addition, Jodhpur, Indore and Jaisalmer conducted a dialogue with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the slated Governor-General of Pakistan, to discuss terms for a possible accession to it. While this surprised many in both India and Pakistan, neither party could ultimately ignore the fact that these kingdoms were Hindu-majority, which rendered their membership in Muslim Pakistan untenable.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel was the Minister for Home and States Affairs, and was given the explicit responsibility of welding a united and strategically secure India in time for the transfer of power. Patel was considered the best man for the task by the Congress Party, as well as Lord Mountbatten and senior British officials. Mohandas Gandhi had said to Patel "the problem of the States is so difficult that you alone can solve it". He was considered a statesman of integrity with the practical acumen and resolve to accomplish a monumental task. Patel was willing to stand up for national interest and enforce the word of the Government, yet possessed the tact and experience to negotiate successfully with the princes. Patel asked V. P. Menon, a senior civil servant with whom he had worked over the partition of India, to become his right-hand as chief secretary of the States Ministry.

Instrument of accession

Sardar Patel and V.P. Menon devised a formula to propose to the monarchs. The Instrument of Accession was the official treaty to be signed between the Government of India or the Government of Pakistan and the accession candidates. According to the basic tenets of the treaty, the Government of India would control only foreign affairs, defence and communications, leaving all internal issues to be administered by the states. On July 5, 1947, the official policy of the Government of India was released, and stated:

"We ask no more of the States than accession on these three subjects in which the common interests of the country are involved. In other matters we would scrupulously respect their autonomous existence. This country… is the proud heritage of the people who inhabit it. It is an accident that some live in the States and some in British India… None can segregate us into segments… I suggest that it is better therefore for us to make laws sitting together as friends than to make treaties as aliens. I invite my friends the rulers of States and their people to the councils of the Constituent Assembly in this spirit of friendliness… Congressmen are no enemies of the princely order."

Considering that the princes had to sign away the sovereignty of states where their families had reigned for centuries, and that India's security and freedom would be jeopardized if even one state refused to sign on, Patel and Menon were of the opinion that this was the best deal that could be put to the princes. While negotiating with the states, Patel and Menon also emphasized that monarchs who signed on willingly would be retained as constitutional heads of state, although they would be encouraged to hand their power over to an elected government. Once the Instrument of Accession was signed, the state would be represented in the Constituent Assembly of India, thus becoming an active participant in framing the new Constitution.

Patel's diplomacy

On May 6, 1947, Patel began lobbying the princes, attempting to make them receptive towards dialogue with the future Government and trying to forestall potential conflicts. Patel used social meetings and unofficial surroundings to engage most monarchs, inviting them to lunch and tea at his home in Delhi. At these meetings, Patel stated that there was no inherent conflict between the Congress and the princely order. Nonetheless, he stressed that the princes would need to accede to India in good faith by August 15, 1947. Patel also listened to the monarchs’ opinions, seeking to address their two chief concerns:

• The princes feared that the Congress would be hostile to the princely order, attacking their property and civil liberties, as had been done in Russia after the Russian Revolution. Patel promised them that the Congress, despite its firm adherence of democracy and adoption of socialism, would not politically attack the Indian princes nor deprive them of any more political power or property than was necessary for the stability and unity of India.

• Patel assured the monarchs of the states that after acceding to India, they would be allowed to retain their property and estates. They would be equal citizens of India, and fully eligible to run for public office.

• For the loss of income (from revenue), the monarchs would be compensated with a privy purse, which would be guaranteed in the future Constitution of India.

• The princes were also worried that the guarantees offered by Patel while the British were still in charge would be scrapped after August 15th. Patel promised to include the guarantees of privy purses and limited central powers, in the Constitution itself.

Patel invoked the patriotism of India's monarchs, asking them to join in the freedom of their nation and act as responsible rulers who cared about the future of their people. V. P. Menon was frequently dispatched to hold talks with the ministers and monarchs. Menon would work each day with Patel, calling him twice, including a final status report in the night. Menon was Patel's closest advisor and aide on the diplomacy and tactics, and handling of potential conflicts, as well as his link with British officials. Patel also enlisted Lord Mountbatten, who was trusted by most of the princes and was a personal friend of many, especially the Nawab of Bhopal, Hamidullah Khan. Mountbatten was also a credible figure because Jawaharlal Nehru and Patel had asked him to become the Governor General of India. In a July, 1947 gathering of rulers, Mountbatten laid out his argument:

"...The subcontinent of India acted as an economic entity. That link is now to be broken. If nothing can be put in its place, only chaos can result and that chaos, I submit, will hurt the states first. The States are theoretically free to link their future with whichever Dominion they may care. But may I point out that there are certain geographical compulsions which cannot be evaded?"

Mountbatten stressed that he would act as the trustee of the princes' commitment, as he would be serving as India's head of state well into 1948. Mountbatten engaged in a personal dialogue with the Nawab. He asked through a confidential letter to him, that he sign the instrument of accession, which Mountbatten would keep locked up in his safe. It would be handed to the States Department on August 15th only if the Nawab did not change his mind before then, which he was free to do. The Nawab agreed, and did not renege over the deal.

Accession of the states

From June to August 15, 1947, 562 of the 565 India-linked states signed the instrument of accession. Despite dramatic political exchanges, Travancore, Jodhpur and Indore signed on time. Patel was also willing to take on other Indian leaders for the sake of accomplishing the job. The privy purse pledge was offensive to many socialists, and Prime Minister Nehru had complained of Patel by-passing the Cabinet. Patel described the pledge as an essential guarantee of the Government's intentions, and it was duly incorporated into the Constitution. Patel defended their right to retain property and contest elections for public office, and today, especially in states like Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, descendants of the royal families play an important role in politics. His admirers would later call him the Iron Man of India for his leadership that welded India into a united nation. However, in the strenuous process of integration three major conflicts arose that posed a major threat to the Union, and demanded sensitive yet forceful leadership from Patel.

Junagadh

Junagadh was a state on the southwestern end of Gujarat, with the principalities of Manavadar, Mangrol and Babriawad. The Arabian Sea stood between it and Pakistan, and over 80% of its population was Hindu. Under the influence of Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, a Muslim League politician who was appointed his Dewan, or chief minister, the Nawab of Junagadh Mahabhat Khan acceded to Pakistan. Bhutto had won control of the Nawab's court when the latter was touring Europe in May 1947. The accession was announced on August 15th, 1947, when Pakistan had come into being. When Pakistan confirmed the acceptance of the accession in September, the Government of India was outraged that Muhammad Ali Jinnah would try to get Junagadh despite his argument that Hindus and Muslims could not live as one nation. Patel was aware that if Junagadh was permitted to go to Pakistan, it would create communal unrest across Gujarat.

Patel gave Pakistan time to void the accession and hold a plebiscite in Junagadh. Samaldas Gandhi formed a democratic government-in-exile, the Arzi Hukumat (in Urdu:Arzi: People's Request, Hukumat: Government) of the people of Junagadh. To further drive home his point, Patel ordered the annexation of Junagadh's three principalities. Junagadh, facing financial collapse and no possibility of resisting Indian forces, first invited the Arzi Hukumat, and later the Government of India to accept the reins. A plebiscite was conducted in December, in which approximately 99% of the people chose India over Pakistan.

Kashmir

Maharaja Hari Singh was equally hesitant to join either India — he felt his mostly Muslim subjects would not like joining a Hindu-majority nation — or Pakistan — which as a Hindu he was personally averse to. Pakistan coveted the Himalayan kingdom, while Indian leaders Mohandas Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru hoped that the kingdom would join India. Hari Singh signed a Standstill Agreement (preserving status quo) with Pakistan, but did not make his decision by August 15th.

An invasion from Pakistan began in September 1947 and changed the situation completely. India offered its help, conditional however, to the Maharaja acceding, which he did. By this time the raiders were close to the capital of Srinagar. Indian troops secured Jammu, Srinagar and the valley itself during the First Kashmir War, but the intense fighting flagged with the onset of winter, which made much of the state impassable. Prime Minister Nehru declared a ceasefire and sought U.N. arbitration with the promise of a plebiscite. Patel had argued against both, describing Kashmir as a bilateral dispute and its accession as justified by international law. Patel had feared that the U.N.'s involvement would stall the process and allow Pakistan to reinforce its presence in Kashmir. In 1957, Kashmir was fully integrated into the Union. The northwestern portion that remained under control of the Pakistan army is today Pakistan administered Kashmir. In 1962, China occupied Aksai Chin, the northeastern region bordering Ladakh.

Hyderabad

Hyderabad was a state that stretched over 82,000 square miles (over 212,000 square kilometres) in the center of India and with a population of 16 million, 85% of whom were Hindus. Its ruler was Nizam Usman Ali Khan, and had always enjoyed a special relationship with the British Raj. When the British ruled out dominion status, the Nizam set his mind upon independence, under the influence of Muslim radical Qasim Razvi. Without Hyderabad, there would be a big gap in the center of India, and Patel knew that Hyderabad was looking to Pakistan for support. While Patel made it clear that Hyderabad was essential for India's unity, he agreed with Lord Mountbatten that force should not be used immediately. A Standstill Agreement was signed — a concession made to no other princely state without an explicit assurance of eventual accession. Patel allowed Hyderabad to only guarantee that it would not join Pakistan. Mountbatten and India's agent K.M. Munshi engaged the Nizam's envoys into negotiations. But Hyderabad continually reneged on possible deals devised, and alleged that India had created a blockade. India charged that Hyderabad was receiving arms from Pakistan, and that the Nizam was allowing Razvi's Razakar militants to intimidate Hindus and attack villages in India.

Lord Mountbatten crafted the Heads of Agreement: calling for the disbandment of the Razakars and restriction of the Hyderabad army, and for the Nizam to hold a plebiscite and elections for a constituent assembly. While India would control Hyderabad's foreign affairs, the deal allowed Hyderabad to set up a parallel government and delay accession. Patel signed the deal, only knowing that the Nizam would renege on the plan despite it favouring Hyderabad. The Nizam reneged on Razvi's advice, and the plan died. In September 1948, Patel made it clear in Cabinet meetings that India would take no more. He obtained the agreement of the new Governor-General Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari and Prime Minister Nehru after some contentious debate, and under Operation Polo, sent the Army to liberate Hyderabad. Between September 13th and 18th, Indian troops fought Hyderabadi troops and Razakars and defeated them. Patel retained the Nizam as the head of state as a conciliatory gesture. The main aim of Mountbatten and Nehru in avoiding a forced annexation was to prevent an outbreak of Hindu-Muslim violence. Patel insisted that if Hyderabad was allowed to continue with its antics, the prestige of the Government would fall and then neither Hindus nor Muslims would feel secure in its realm. The successful integration was praised by many Indian Muslim leaders, and there were no episodes of civil violence.

Conflicting agendas

Different theories have been proposed to explain the designs of Indian and Pakistani leaders in this period. Rajmohan Gandhi postulates that an ideal deal working in the mind of Patel was that if Muhammad Ali Jinnah let India have Junagadh and Hyderabad, Patel would not object to Kashmir acceding to Pakistan. In his book Patel: A Life, Gandhi asserts that Jinnah sought to engage the questions of Junagadh and Hyderabad in the same battle. It is suggested that he wanted India to ask for a plebiscite in Junagadh and Hyderabad, knowing thus that the principle then would have to be applied to Kashmir, where the Muslim-majority would, he believed, vote for Pakistan. In a speech at the Bahauddin College in Junagadh following the latter's take-over, Patel said:

"If Hyderabad does not see the writing on the wall, it goes the way Junagadh has gone. Pakistan attempted to set off Kashmir against Junagadh. When we raised the question of settlement in a democratic way, they (Pakistan) at once told us that they would consider it if we applied that policy to Kashmir. Our reply was that we would agree to Kashmir if they agreed to Hyderabad."

Patel's opinions were not India's policy, nor were they shared by Nehru, but both leaders were angered at Jinnah's courting the princes of Jodhpur, Bhopal and Indore. In her book The Sole Spokesman, Ayesha Jalal argues that Jinnah had never actually wanted partition, but once created, he wanted Pakistan to become a secular state that was inclusive to its Hindu minority and strategically secure from a geographically-larger India, thus encouraging Hindu states to join. When Jinnah remained adamant about Junagadh, and when the invasion of Kashmir began in September 1947, Patel exerted himself over the defense and integration of Kashmir into India. India and Pakistan clashed over Kashmir in 1965 and 1971, as well as over the sovereignty of the Rann of Kutch in August, 1965.

Integrating the Union

Many of the 565 states that had joined the Union were very small and lacked resources to sustain their economies and support their growing populations. Many published their own currency, imposed restrictions and their own tax rules that impeded free trade. Although Prajamandals (People's Conventions) had been organized to increase democracy, a contentious debate opened over dissolving the very states India promised to officially recognize just months ago. Challenged by princes, Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon emphasized that without integration, the economies of states would collapse, and anarchy would arise if the princes were unable to provide democracy and govern properly. In December 1947, over 40 states in central and eastern India were merged into the Central Provinces and Orissa. Similarly, Patel also obtained the unification of 222 states in the Kathiawar peninsula of his native Gujarat. In a meeting with the rulers, Menon said:

"His Highness the Maharaja of Bhavnagar has already declared himself in favour of a United Kathiawar State. I may also remind you of the metaphor employed by Sardar Patel, of how a large lake cools the atmosphere while small pools become stagnant...It is not possible for 222 States to continue their separate existence for very much longer. The extinction of the separate existence of the States may not be palatable, but unless something is done in good time to stabilise the situation in Kathiawar, the march of events may bring more unpalatable results."

In Punjab the Patiala and East Punjab States Union was formed, and Madhya Bharat and Vindhya Pradesh emerged from the princely states of the former Central India Agency. Himachal Pradesh was created from 30 states of the former Punjab Hill States Agency. A few large states, including Mysore, Kutch, and Bilaspur, remained distinct, but a great many more were merged into the provinces. The Northeast Frontier Agency (present-day Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland) was administered by the Ministry of External Affairs with the Governor of Assam. The Constitution of India, adopted on January 26, 1950 gave the states many powers, but the Union government had superior powers — including dissolving state governments if law and order were disrupted. National institutions were emphasized to prevent factionalism and separatism. A common judiciary and the Indian Administrative Service and Indian Police Service were created to erect a single government infrastructure. The united leadership to fight social, economic challenges of India for the first time in thousands of years was welcomed by most Indians.

Pondicherry and Goa

In the 1950s, the regions of Pondicherry, Karikal, Yanaon, Mahe and Chandernagore were still colonies of France, and Daman and Diu, Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Goa remained as colonies of Portugal. The lodges in Machilipatnam, Kozhikode and Surat were ceded to India in October 1947. An agreement between France and India in 1948 agreed to an election in France's remaining Indian possessions to choose their political future. Chandernagore was ceded to India on May 2, 1950, and was merged with West Bengal on October 2, 1955. On November 1, 1954, the four enclaves of Pondicherry, Yanaon, Mahe, and Karikal were de facto transferred to the Indian Union and became the Union territory of Pondicherry. Portugal had resisted diplomatic solutions, and refused to transfer power. Dadra and Nagar Haveli were incorporated into India in 1953 after bands of Indian irregulars occupied the lands, but Goa, Daman and Diu remained a bone of contention.

Arbitration by the World Court and the United Nations General Assembly favoured self-determination, but Portugal resisted all overtures from India. On December 18, 1961, in what Prime Minister Nehru termed as a police action, the Indian Army liberated Goa, Daman and Diu. The Portuguese surrendered on December 19, along with over 3,000 Portuguese soldiers. This take-over ended the last of the European colonies in India. In 1987, Goa achieved statehood.

States reorganization

The Constitution did not re-shape India's map — it established three orders of states that preserved the territories and governing structures of the recent past. However, India's ethnically diverse population was dissatisfied with colonial-era arrangements and centralized authority, which disempowered ethnic groups that did not form a significant population in a province. The many regional languages of India were without official use and recognition. Political movements arose in the regions demanding official use and autonomy for the Marathi-, Telugu-, Tamil-speaking regions of the Bombay state and Madras state. Incidents of violence grew in cities like Bombay and Madras as the demands gained momentum and became a potential source of conflict. Potti Sreeramulu undertook a fast-unto-death, demanding an Andhra state. Sreeramulu lost his life in the protest, but Andhra State was soon created in 1953 out of the northern, Telugu-speaking districts of Madras state as a result of aroused popular support.

Prime Minister Nehru appointed the States Reorganisation Commission to recommend a reorganization of state boundaries along linguistic lines. The States Reorganisation Act of 1956, which went into effect on November 1, 1956, was the largest single change to state borders in the history of independent India. Bombay, Madhya Pradesh, Mysore, Punjab, and Rajasthan were enlarged by the addition of smaller states and parts of adjacent states. Hyderabad was partitioned among Bombay, Mysore, and Andhra Pradesh states, and the new linguistic state of Kerala was created by merging the Malayalam-speaking state of Travancore-Cochin with Malabar District of Madras state.

On May 1, 1960, Gujarat and Maharashtra were created out of Bombay State, which had been enlarged by the Act, as a result of conflicting linguistic movements. Violent clashes erupted in Mumbai and villages on the border with Karnataka over issues of Maharashtrian territory. Maharashtra still claims Belgaum as its own. In 1965, unrest broke out in Madras when Hindi was to take effect as India's national language.

Punjab and northeastern India

A culture of centralization was resented across many regions — it stifled regional autonomy and cultural identity. Inefficiency, corruption and economic stagnation in 1960s and 1970s aided this argument. Although Punjab was one of the most prosperous states, demands for greater autonomy and statehood arose. In 1966, Punjab was divided into Sikh-majority Punjab and Hindu-majority Haryana, with their joint capital in Chandigarh, a union territory. Certain northern districts were allocated to Himachal Pradesh. Jawaharlal Nehru had opposed creating separate states for different religious communities, but it was carried out by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who faced pressure from the SGPC and leaders like Master Tara Singh. When the Khalistan insurgency created turmoil in the 1980s, the Army attacked militant encampments in the Golden Temple. The bloody outcome outraged the Sikhs, who saw it as a desecration of their holiest shrine by the Government. Indira Gandhi was assassinated, which in turn resulted in communal violence in Delhi. The Government employed martial law and force to crush the militant groups, but also began a process of devolving powers to the states as a means to end separatism. Punjab today is one of the most peaceful and prosperous states.

China does not recognize the McMahon Line that is the framework of its boundary with India, and lays a claim to the territory of Arunachal Pradesh — briefly occupied by Chinese forces in the Sino-Indian War. In 1967, Chinese and Indian forces clashed at the Chola Border Post in Sikkim, whose merger with India was disputed for long but accepted in 2003. Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura, Manipur, and Assam, known as the Seven Sisters, became states between the 1970s and 1980s. In 1975, India under Indira Gandhi integrated Sikkim into the Union after a plebiscite resulted in an overwhelming vote in favour of merger with India, but the Army had to forcibly take control from the Chogyal. In the 1960-70s, violent militancy arose in Assam and Nagaland. Neglect and discrimination by the Union government, as well as poverty and cultural aversion resulted in violence against refugees from Bangladesh and other settlers. The ULFA insurgency paralyzed Assam in the 1980s. Similar tensions in Mizoram and Tripura forced the Indian government to impose a martial law environment. The decline of popular appeal, increased autonomy, economic development and rising tourism has helped considerably reduce violence across the region.

Into the 21st century

Several new states were created in 2000 — Chhattisgarh (from Madhya Pradesh), Jharkhand (from Bihar) and Uttaranchal (from Uttar Pradesh). This resulted from a national debate concerning the purported need to partition large states burdened with socioeconomic challenges, including overpopulation and the political marginalisation of ethnic minorities. Such debate has not ceased: there are proposals for the creation of Vidarbha from Maharashtra, Telangana from Andhra Pradesh, Bundelkhand from parts of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, and Jammu and Ladakh from Kashmir.

Correspondingly, governments have begun devolving power to regional levels as a means of increasing popular representation and administrative efficiency, as well as alleviating social problems. These include disparities in economic growth — despite India's rapid economic development — and the corresponding easing of socioeconomic pressures faced by communities across these regions. Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh are forming special commissions for their Purvanchal, Rayalaseema, Telangana and Coastal Andhra regions. Groups, including self-appointed representatives of northeastern India's Bodo people, are pushing — often via violent insurgency — for either the formation of a Bodoland state or independence. In 2003, an agreement was signed between the Union government, the state of Assam and the main Bodo separatist groups. This created the Bodoland Territorial Councils, which granted autonomy to regions with significant Bodo populations. Other groups are pushing for the conferral of statehood upon Kutch, Cooch Behar, Gorkhaland, Kamtapur and Coorg.